Showing posts with label IRA. Show all posts
Showing posts with label IRA. Show all posts

Thursday, January 19, 2012

Decentralization 9: Ben Diokno Says Recentralize

I attended the PIPER forum on "Fiscal Decentralization After 20 Years" last Monday, January 16, at Crowne Plaza Galleria Hotel, Ortigas Center. It was a whole day forum and many known personalities in the academe, Philippine government and foreign aid involved in decentralization were there.

Session one was a presentation by Dr. Benjamin "Ben" Diokno (sitting 3rd from right) of UPSE, also former DBM Secretary, and consultant to the WB, ADB, EC, USAID, among the biggest foreign aid institutions advocating more and bigger governments, more taxation and social redistribution.

The 3 scheduled reactors to his presentation were former DOF UnderSecretary Milwida "Nene" Guevarra, DILG UnderSec. Austere Panadero, and NAPC UnderSec. Jude Esguerra. Hah, the Institute for Popular Democracy (IPD) guys Joel Rocamora and Jude Esguerra, among others, have joined the government big time. Well, they have been advocating reformed but big government for many years now, so their position fits with their advocacies.

Jude did not arrive though, also USec Panadero, but he sent one of his senior staff to read his reaction paper. Then open forum started. I wanted to ask a question, but I saw some more popular personalities raising their hands, I said I better listen to them and ask my questions later, perhaps in the next session or panel.

Prof. Ben Diokno, my teacher twice at UPSE (undergrad in 1983 or '84, then PDE in 1998) used these slides as the theoretical framework in analyzing decentralization. The two benefits and advantages of decentralization, vs. its costs and disadvantages.


He noted that the Local Government Code (LGC) of 1991 was the most sweeping law changing intergovernmental structure and fiscal rules in the Philippines.

As seen in the graph here, the internal revenue allotment (IRA) given by the national government to the local government units (LGUs) have drastically increased since 1991. Unit on the vertical axis is percentage, not money. The table below explains why -- before the LGC, LGUs' share to internal taxes was only 20 percent, increased to 40 percent after the LGC. Besides, there has been considerable economic growth in the 90s, temporarily slowed down by the Asian financial crisis of 1997-98, and growth has slowly picked up, resulting in more internal tax revenues by the government, which leads to more IRA for LGUs.

These two tables are helpful and self explanatory. The biggest gainer among the four types of LGUs in the country were the barangays or villages, from only 10 percent to 20 percent of total IRA share. There are now more than 42,000 barangays nationwide.


The number of cities has drastically increased as more progressive and more populous municipalities have been converted into cities. Cities have higher tax rates than municipalities so the city government were earning higher than municipal governments. More revenues are supposed to make things lighter for city governments, but it seems that all of them, no exception, are saying that they need more money -- from their local residents, from the national government, and from foreign aid through more borrowings.

This is something new to me: "creeping recentralization" of certain agencies, especially the DOH and the DSWD. But the recent huge increases in the budget of these two agencies would prove correct the term used by Ben Diokno.

The CCT seems to be the single biggest program of the DSWD. The WB and ADB pitched in huge money for this program, they expect huge interest income from those loans too in the coming years. I am not a fan of the CCT program. Old programs are education and health for the poor, housing and credit for the poor, agrarian reform and irrigation for the poor, etc., not enough they say. So they added cash transfer for the poor, and soon, more condoms and pills for the poor. My longer discussion about the CCT, Welfarism 9: Conditional Cash Transfer (CCT), November 12, 2010.

The DSWD is the "outlier" here among the agencies which devolved their functions after 1991. From only 0.58 percent of total expenditures net of interest payment before the LGC, to 2.46 percent last year, such a big jump. The UN and its partner foreign aid banks, namely the WB and ADB, are hurrying the Philippines to reach its MDG targets which are supposed to be attained by 2015 or just three years from now. The DSWD plus the DOH are the main agencies that they see will greatly expand government and state welfarism.

The big drop in the number of employees in DA and DOH means big increase in the number of employees among LGUs doing agricultural extension work and healthcare services.

Here now are the major messages of Prof. Ben Diokno: decentralization was a failure in reducing disparities among communities and LGUs, and the big transfer of resources from the national government via IRA made many LGUs become lazy in raising their own local revenues.


Twenty years after the LGC and fiscal decentralization, some 75 percent of provincial governments' total revenues were coming from IRA. For municipal governments, it's slightly higher at nearly 79 percent of their total revenues. It's only the cities, especially those in Metro Manila, that were more creative, and sometimes more extortionist, in raising local taxes. Big cities like Makati, Manila and Quezon are I think only about 10 percent dependent on IRA. These cities have invented dozens upon dozens of local taxes, fees and fines slapped on residents, business locators, and non-residents but do business in their cities. For instance, there are cradle to grave fees to pay: birth certificate fee, residence fee, marriage certificate fee, death certificate fee, etc.

Prof. Diokno is saying further that decentralization was a failure in arresting high poverty incidence in the country. Thus, there is need to recentralize this function, more jobs for the national government. So back to central planning at the national level via national government agencies (NGAs) like NEDA, DOF-DBM, DOH, DSWD, DA, DENR, etc.


Being a non-fan of bigger local governments, I will not shed big tears for his proposal. My problem is that since many LGUs will oppose his proposal, we ordinary mortals, aka the taxpayers in the private sector, will be caught in the crossfire of fight between LGUs and NGAs for more taxes, more fees, more fines -- from our pockets. Let us remember that the government, national or local, is a penniless institution that becomes very powerful and very rich only by getting lots of money from our income, from our savings, from our investments, from our hard work and self-reliance.

Clear message from him, once again: Centralization, not decentralization, is the answer to poverty reduction and other social and political goals of the government.

I am no fan of centralization of powers to the NGAs and bureaucracies, I am no fan of decentralization either that results in ever-expanding LGUs with their ever-expanding rules of more restrictions, more regulations and prohibitions, and ever-expanding taxes and fees. Personal and parental responsibility is becoming an increasingly alien topic for them as they think that many if not all things should be government responsibility.


In her reaction, Nini Guevarra countered that decentralization has also produced many outstanding LGU leaders in the country. She cited some of them who were in that conference -- former Bulacan Governor Roberto "Obet" Pagdanganan, Albay Governor Joey Salceda, and Valenzuela Mayor Sherwin Gatchalian. But she recognized that many LGUs really lack accountability, so DILG Sec. Robrero has imposed a performance indicator system for LGUs which can be one of the new basis for the release of the IRA. She observed that while CCT has encouraged more children from poor families to attend schools, there is also lack of classrooms and teachers in poorer villages and municipalities. She thinks that there are bad LGU leaders because they don't have enough good role models.

During the open forum, Ms. Amina Rasul, a leader of a Mindanao-based NGO, lamented that autonomy of certain regions has not been given enough attention both by the presenter and the reactors. That autonomy, more than ordinary decentralization, is what is needed by more LGUs. Nini Guevarra argued that there is bad governance in the ARMM (Autonomous Region of Muslim Mindanao) due to bad politics by the national government (NG), but she added that there are a few good LGU leaders there.

Former NEDA chief and UPSE Dean Felipe Medalla asked how can we have good LGUs when we have lousy NG leaders. He also cited the claim of Cong. Mandanas of Batangas, that the NG owes LGUs some P500 billion in additional IRA because the IRA is based on total internal revenues of the NG, and about 80 percent of Bureau of Customs (BOC) collections are actually internal, not external taxes. And the NG has been using internal tax collections by the BIR only and excluded BOC internal tax collections.

I believe we simply need small and limited government, both at the national and local levels. The government should focus on promulgating the rule of law -- the laws against killing, murder, stealing, plunder, rape, extortion, carnapping, kidnapping, and many other criminal acts. It's a big and very important function but there is obvious government failure there. All malls, all private schools and universities, all villages and condo buildings, all churches, all big shops and restaurants, all banks, etc. are using private security guards to protect their property and customers from criminals. This is one clear and glaring example of distrust by the citizens and entrepreneurs of government failure, of both NG and LGUs in stamping out criminality in society.

Government, both national and local, should step back in heavy intervention, regulation and taxation in entrepreneurship and job creation by the private sector. The latter can take care of that. It is in the promulgation of the rule of law, of the protection of private property rights, protection of citizens against criminal elements, both private and government, that is sorely lacking.

I will discuss in the next paper, Prof. Gilbert Llanto's presentation on the assignment of functions and inter-government fiscal relations.
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See also:

Monday, September 20, 2010

Decentralization 6: Local Fees and LGUs' Independence from NG

Posting two related articles that were published in the weekend tabloid, People's Brigada News on different dates....

(1) Local Fees and Decentralization

March 11, 2010

Political decentralization does not automatically mean less government in the lives of the average citizens. Rather, it could mean less central or national government but more local government taxes, fees and regulations in the lives of ordinary citizens.

Last weekend, I went to Cebu City to speak in a forum organized by the Economics Department of the University of San Carlos (USC). Among the things that I noticed in Cebu were the high prices of fuel products. As of March 7, 2010, the price of diesel there was P37.81/liter, unleaded gas was P48.20/liter. That same day when I went back to Manila, the price of diesel was P33.80 a liter, unleaded gas was P44.20 a liter. In short, fuel prices in Cebu City were P4.00 more expensive compared to Manila prices. Why is this so?

Fuel prices in provinces north of Metro Manila are usually P0.50 to P1.00/liter more expensive, for both diesel and gasoline. In Bacolod and Iloilo cities, prices are usually P1.00/liter more expensive than Manila prices. Such price differential is usually due to transportation cost of bringing the fuel products to the provinces.

But why is the price differential in Cebu up to P4 a liter? This is grossly unfair for the Cebuano motorists and passengers.

My hypothesis is that the Cebu provincial and/or City governments imposed a separate fuel tax or fuel surcharge on top of existing import tax + excise tax + VAT by the national government.

Another thing that I noticed in Cebu, was the multiple fees that the local government imposed on passengers who enter the Cebu south bus terminal. I went there on my way to visit my relatives in Barili, a town south of Cebu City. Here are the fees that I observed:

a) taxi/car entrance fee P10,
b) passenger terminal fee P5,
c) toilet fee if one will pee P2,
d) buses parking fee, I do not know how much it is now, but more than a year ago, it was around P80/bus.

Of course the terminal operator -- the provincial or city government -- also collects from the rental of many stalls and food shops inside the terminal. The local government, therefore, collects lots of money from the bus terminal alone. In fairness, the terminal is relatively clean, not air-con but with electric fan, with tv in some sections. But the collections seem to be many, I think.

A friend from Cebu told me that the various fees are also being collected at the provincial Capitol. Like parking fee for cars, and blood pressure fee inside the Capitol clinic, P10/person, if the person is not an employee of the Capitol, for people undergoing some medical check up.

If one will check Cebu's city and provincial revenue codes, one might be surprised at the long list of government services with fees. Like marriage fee, marriage certificate fee, annulment fee, birth certificate fee, baptism fee, death certificate fee, burial fee, and so on. From womb to tomb, there is a fee!

Of course the local governments there will counter that they also provide free services to the poor, like free hospitalization or free coffin to the really poor. And the practice of collecting local taxes and fees from womb to tomb is also being done by other big cities and provinces in the country.

But it is baffling to think how come that so many “government services” are now not free, that average citizens have to pay many local taxes and fees, on top of national taxes and fees. Isn’t collecting just a few taxes and fees a form of public service already, so that average citizens will be able to keep more of their earnings for themselves and their family.

I am not really a fan of political decentralization or devolution, although I am not a fan either of centralization of powers by the national government. Bus terminals can be operated by private enterprises at a lot more passenger-friendly way with zero additional cost to passengers, compared to government operators. Look at those malls. People can enter and exit those malls anyday anywhere, zero entrance fee and zero toilet fee. And still the mall operators make money.

But then some local governments are not after better services to the public, but to collect more revenues from the public. A number of bureaucracies just exist for themselves.


(2) LGUs' Independence from National Government

September 18, 2010

In many political discussions and public administration literatures, decentralization and the relative independence of local governments from the central or national government is hailed as a virtue. It implies that the politicians and administrators of local governments can act more independently from politicians and administrators of the national government, especially the Office of the President.

The share of local governments from Internal Revenue Allotment (IRA) as percentage of their total receipts and revenues is a good indicator of how independent or dependent a local government is. Below are some relevant figures.

Projected revenues of selected big cities for 2010, in P million (except %)

City: Share from IRA / Local receipts / IRA dependence in %

Makati: 731 / 6,592 / 11.1%
Pasig: 748 / 4,202 / 17.8%
Pasay: 506 / 2,323 / 21.8%
Muntinlupa: 573 / 2,236 / 25.6%
Taguig: 723 / 2,325 / 31.1%
Paranaque: 670 / 2,129 / 31.5%
Manila: 1,747 / 5,122 / 34.1%
Quezon: 2,738 / 6,661 / 41.1%

Cebu: 1,041 / 2,120 / 49.1%
Cagayan de Oro: 841 / 1,039 / 80.9%
Iloilo: 548 / 625 / 87.7%
Antipolo: 855 / 678 / 126.1%
Davao: 2,566 / 1,701 / 150.9%

Source: DBM, BESF 2011, Table F.15, http://www.dbm.gov.ph/BESF2011/F/F15.pdf

Among the big cities in the country, Makati, Pasig and Pasay are the least dependent from IRA transfers from the national government. In contrast, the cities of Antipolo and Davao are among those cities that are generally dependent on such transfers.

But while “less dependence” from national government’s transfers may be a virtue, it may also mean that the local government is becoming too harsh on some businesses that are located in their territory by imposing too many business taxes and fees.

Local governments should attract more businesses to locate in their territory because such businesses will create more jobs. When people have jobs, they become less dependent on both national and local governments for welfare.
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See also: Decentralization 5: Privatization and Civil Society, February 22, 2010