Showing posts with label Simon Lee. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Simon Lee. Show all posts

Saturday, November 15, 2014

Fresh Market Capitalism

Fresh food is among the foundations of good health of the people. The more fresh the food, the more nutritious it is. But fresh food should also be affordable to more people. That way, good economics (stable, affordable prices) meets good health (fresh, nutritious food that help strengthen our immune system).

Last week, on our last day (November 08) in Hong Kong after attending the Economic Freedom Network (EFN) Asia Conference, November 6-7, 2014, a friend Simon Lee, organized a "fresh market tour" for interested EFN conference participants. It was a short, 1 1/2 hour tour as some of us have to catch our flight back to our respective countries in the afternoon or evening.

Simon and his two staff, Lisa and Paul, brought us to Lok Fu fresh market in Kowloon.

It was not a supermarket inside a big mall. Rather, just an open space on the ground floor of a ahigh-rise HK government housing. As these two pictures show, the vegetables are fresh, they did not look like they came from a freezer, unsold items the previous day/s.

Upon arriving at the site, Simon turned over the briefing to  Myron, a sharp, articulate, bright man who is an officer of The Link, the owner and administrator of the Luk Fo fresh market.

Below, our team. Simon Lee standing on left most, Myron is 3rd from right, with a portable microphone. More should have joined but our departure from the hotel was delayed by almost one hour because the bus that would pick us from our hotel somehow went to another location.


Myron quickly started the briefing. His English is good and fluent. He must have studied in UK or the US. Anyway, the place is very clean. No foul smell whatsoever, something that is familiar in public markets, non-mall supermarkets in the Philippines

This shop of dried food is cool. Neat and clean and only one person manages the  whole  store.

The fresh seafood  section. The floor is not wet, no mud or scattered fish body parts.
Crabs, seashells, other crustaceans. Some of those sea creatures I don't see in Philippine seafood markets. I would assume that some of these products are grown via aquaculture and not caught in the open sea.

Wow, those huge sea cucumber-looking creatures, I don't know their name. Although I am from a coastal city of Negros island in the Philippines and fishing is the main industry there, I don't see these products, nor in Manila's seafood markets.

Karthik Chandra from India, a fellow conference participant, was also amazed at the sights of fresh seafood that greeted us that day.
Another friend, Lorenzo Montanari from the Americans for Tax Reforms (ATR) in Washington DC seemed awed by the variety of these live sea creatures sold at affordable prices.

Friday, November 07, 2014

Lion Rock 16: 10th Anniversary of LRI

The Lion Rock Institute (LRI) held a great dinner gala last night here at Harbour Grand Hong Kong to celebrate its 10th anniversary. It was a fantastic event -- celebration of its 10 years existence, fellowship with LRI's major sponsors and donors, a fund-raising activity through the "Silent Auction", and networking with EFN 2014 conference participants. All in one night.

Below, the key personalities from left to right: Fred McMahon of Fraser Institute (Canada) who presented the result of the Economic Freedom of the World (EFW) 2014 Report; John Tsang, HK's Finance Secretary who gave the Keynote Address; Bill Stacey, Chairman of LRI; Siggi Herzog, FNF Regional Director for East and Southeast Asia; and Andrew Work, LRI co-founder and MC for the night.


VIP table below, from left: Nick Salnow-Smith of LINK publications, and has been a friend for three years now, we participated in the LRI's Reading Club Salon 2012, 2013 and 2014. He looks like Tony Blair but unlike Mr. Blair, Nick is soft spoken and very liberal/libertarian. Beside Nick is the head of CLP, a big energy company in HK (power generation, distribution, Kowloon area), Bill, John and Siggi.

Fred presented the EFW 2014 Report where HK, for the nth time, remains in #1 spot, followed by Singapore #2 and New Zealand #3. With regards to the on-going protests in HK, Fred showed a chart where HK's economic freedom score is very high compared to its rule of law score. Nonetheless, HK's rule of law score is higher compared to world average, and much higher compared to China's rule of law score.


Andrew Work mentioned during the program that LRI was started by "three crazy guys", Andrew Pak Man Shuen (left), Simon Lee (middle) and himself, in early 2004. Yes, I met Andrew Work at Larry Reed's Mackinac Leadership Conference in Michigan, USA in April 2004. LRI could be 1-3 months old then while Minimal Government, informally organized then, was only one month old.


I have a photo with Andrew W, Parth Shah and Barun Mitra last night, waiting for that photo. Andrew, Parth and I were batchmates at the Mackinac Conference for three days. Our other Asian batchmates that time have dropped out from the free market movement one by one. After Michigan, we went to Chicago to attend the Atlas Liberty Forum and that's where I also met Barun for the first time.


Among the highlights of the night was the presentation of LRI's student interns. A youtube video clip was shown how the interns have argued at the HK Legislative Council (LEGCO) opposing certain proposals like more (and endless) subsidies to certain sectors, wage control, etc.

From left (?? means I don't know them): Simon Lee, Andrew Shuen, ??, ??, ??, Kellie Wong, Janice Fung, Jude Law, Bill Stacey, Peter Wong (LRI Exec. Dir.), Raymond Ho (Momentum 107 convenor and LRI friend), Andrew Work, and Wilson Li, LRI staff. Not in the photo is another intern, Laurence Milton Pak.


I met Janice and Jude during the 1st Reading Club Salon 2012, held at Harbour Plaza at the New Territories. They were the two interns who helped organized the event.


Salute to LRI and its founders and officers.  10 more years, and more.
All photos above from LRI guys' fb walls, including Jadranco Brkic. Thanks.
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See also 

Monday, October 28, 2013

Lion Rock 11: Barun Mitra on Democracy, Reading Salon 2013

I still have to write my reflection paper on the Reading Club Salon 2013 of the Lion Rock Institute (LRI) on "Democracy -- Past, Present and Future" held in Harbour Grand Hong Kong last October 19, 2013. It's good that good friend Barun Mitra, Founder and Director of Liberty Institute in India, sent us today his reflection paper about the event. Short and well-argued points by Barun, reposting it below. 

Our group photo after the whole day round table discussion. Barun is 4th from left standing. To his left is Peter Wong, Executive Director of LRI, and to Barun's right (3rd from left) is Simon Lee, LRI co-founder and moderator of the Reading Salon. To my left, 2nd from right sitting, is Andrew Work, co-founder and first Executive Director of LRI. 


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My take home points from the 2013 Salon.

The idea of democracy as the critical political institution has clearly been established. Just over two hundred years ago, the founding fathers of the United States of America, were concerned about the majoritarian aspects of democracy. The debate was encapsulated in the Federalist and Anti-Federalist papers. In the Federalist Papers, the authors underscore the need for a strong central government in order to hold the states together in a nascent country. In the Ant-Federalist paper, many leaders from the states argue the case for strengthening the lower tiers of government, so that a strong people would together strengthen the nation. Two hundred years later, James Buchanan, Nobel prize winning economist, wrote his classic text "Calculus of Consent", where he explored a whole range of ways to restrain the majoritarian threats on the one hand, and prevent capture of state agencies by vested interests on the other hand. These three books, were in the list of readings selected by for this year's salon on democracy.

A number of key points that emerged from the discussions at the salon, underscored the essential features of democratic politics.

Democracy is not about majority rule, but about recognition of and respect for minority opinions. So that the minority view of today, may enjoy the freedom to peacefully persuade others, and could become a majority opinion of tomorrow. This is why democracy requires consent of the governed, so that the diverse minorities do not feel so aggrieved as to try and revolt or secede from the rest.

For democracy to survive in large communities and countries, where only representative democracy is possible and practical, democracy has to be minimal, so that it does not offend or alienate too many people. Secondly, as societies become complex, there is a need to recognise the challenges of centralised government, and devolve greater political authority and autonomy to lower tiers of government and local communities. Because only at such community level, with shared values, can there be a realistic prospect for widest consensus on such complex issues.

Threats to democracy arise from the majoritarian perspective which is reflected in centralisation of decision making. This invariably leads to populism and patronage. Consequent spread of corruption, triggers cynicism, and undermines the legitimacy of democratic polity. Growing illegitimacy provides an incentive for demagogues and dictators to seize the levers of power by promising to solve all the ills of society. And democracy collapses in to despotism.

Democracy and markets are analogous. Democracy empowers the citizens with choices in the political domain. While markets empowers the consumers with choice in the economic domain. Adam Smith had warned about the tendency of businessmen and traders, to collude, seek special protection and privileges from the state, at the cost of the consumers. And others have warned about the special protection and privileges that many politicians seek, in the name of the public, but actually endangering the political freedoms of the citizens. This is why economic competition and open market are critical in keeping businesses focussed on delivering better goods and services in order to win the customers. So too does political competition in a vibrant democracy, ensures that politicians offer a diverse range of political options to the citizens to choose from.

In a competitive democratic environment, politicians could either be businessmen, offering the conventional political ideas and operate within the prevailing political paradigm, or they could be like entrepreneurs, offering radical ideas, in a manner that would be understood and accepted by the people, thereby shifting the centre of political discourse, itself.

Economic and political freedoms go together. All the developed and rich countries are democracies. Even the small principalities and city states, which are rich, people enjoy a very high degree of economic freedom, and share the basic elements of participatory politics, that is democracy.  On the other hand, poor and less developed countries, are much lower on the economic and political freedom scores.

Barun Mitra
Liberty Institute, New Delhi

www.InDefenceofLiberty.org 
www.EmpoweringIndia.org 

www.RighttoProperty.org  
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See also 
Lion Rock 7: Reading Club Salon 2013, Hong Kong, September 17, 2013 

Wednesday, December 26, 2012

Lion Rock 5: Free Will vs. Power Over Others

It's nearly two months now since the Lion Rock Institute (LRI) "Reading Salon 2012" in Hong Kong was over, there is still some sort of discussion "hang over" from some of us participants. The other day, discussion moderator Simon Lee of LRI sent us a message, below. I borrowed the title "Free will vs. power over others" from Simon's message.




After the conference, I further meditated on the subject on the future of the ideological battle, with all the insights shared by you.

The ideological battle has been fought since time immemorial.  I see it as a battle between free will and power over others.  On the one hand, it is the trust and respect of other as individuals with free will.  And on the other, it is our innermost urge to control and harness the power of the collective mass for a predictable and hopefully better outcomes.

The battle lines advance and retreat.  In the first half of the twentieth century, the ideological battle was about totalitarian, corporatist, central planning experiment versus free enterprise.  At the end of the day, objective reality rules.  The system produces more and more efficiently prevails.

After the two world wars, there is a new movement.  A kind of mutation.  Some fractions of the believers of collective powers abandoned their wish to take over the state apparatus.  These believers of collective powers are more pragmatic than they seem.  If they can take over the control over the means of production bypassing the state, they should.  I am not saying they do not rely on the coercive power of the state, but they go beyond simply using legislation and state bureaucracy to achieve their goals.

Who are these mutated new left?  What are their strategies?  Alinsky captures the essence of the action of the new left while Hayden drew the blue print.  

The new left takes actions toward corporation without real clear agenda but to gather the crowd.  After successive assaults sometimes they find the sore points.  This is the Alinsky model simplified.

Tom Hayden laid down the plan to take over the commanding heights of the new morality: media, higher education, and other institutions of the new left movement.  Look at the campuses, and the rent seekers of the so called CSR industry.  The new left has taken a stronghold in these institutions.  They have been defining the new ideological battle and leveraging the resources from free enterpries to propagate their agenda.

There are new left around us and they do not even realise that they are under the spell of the propaganda.  Wordcrafts in our system are inevitably under the spell - HR, PR and CSR so I call the unholy trinity of corporate suicidal impulses.  One of the most important and urgent tasks is to define clearly the functions of these business operations, so businesses can focus on contributing by creating values instead of conforming to the faux-morality put forward by the new left.

Another major battle ahead of us is to counterforce the propaganda coming from both the higher education rent seekers and the media-entertainment industry.  Fortunately, the internet has provided a near ideal platform which is by definition free from bias except of the audience's own.  The question is whether campaigners of our side of the ideological battle are equipped with the right skills and techniques.  Their advantage is quite obvious: they have wordcrafts and discouraged artists.  But what do we have?  Yes, we have entrepreneurs!  I always see the lights of hope.

-- Simon

I like Simon's reflections above. It's a big challenge for us who believe in more individual freedom, more personal responsibility, how the other and much bigger camp, can impose their will on the rest of us. While we believe in voluntary collectivism and diversity, the other camp wants forced collectivism and forced equality, they dislike high diversity and spontaneity among people. That is why they create volumes upon volumes of regulations and restrictions, to "flatten" out the outliers like the super-efficient and super rich on one hand, and the super-inefficient and super lazy among the people.

Below, after dinner food and drinks of Day 1, also hosted by LRI in the same venue, Harbour Plaza Resort Hotel, at the Northern territories. Barun Mitra of the Liberty Institute in Delhi replied to Simon's message, below.


The Reading Salon is still alive in my mind. I particularly liked the structure that allowed us to integrate theory and history, to current affairs. My one suggestion would be to have a shorter reading list in future, so that most participants would be able to do the reading before the Salon.

One quick thought on the eternal battle between individual freedom, and collective control. The divide is not always very clear, and sections of the lines may be in flux. For instance, at the moment we are trying to work on the issue of land rights of rural poor. And in that we are trying to approach some on the far left to join our alliance. Particularly, those who may have discarded their ideological aversion to private property. For the past few months I have been going around India speaking about property / land rights of the poor, and meeting quite a few people from the Left who are surprised at my formulation. And a few of them may align with us on this issue. I think we should always look out for tactical alliance!

-- Barun

Barun is an engineer by academic training who shifted career to promoting liberty and freedom for about  two decades now. His insights above somehow shows his engineering training, finding innovative solutions to old problems. Most free marketers would give up reaching out to the far left because of their deep hatred of the free market, of capitalism and the profit system, of private property ownership, but Barun is able to reach out to some guys in the far left in India. Fantastic mind.

Below, after the drinks at the restaurant which closed at past 10pm, we continued the discourse at Barun's room in the hotel, we ended past 12 midnight :-)  Simon is 3rd from right in the upper photo, beside him is Barun. LRI Executive Director Peter Wong is beside me.



On Simon's points, I agree that many civil society organizations (CSOs) have been drastically and generally co-opted by the state. I have been using Andrew Work's term a few times, from NGOs to GFOs or government-funded organizations. Or simply lovers of more government regulations, welfarism and endless subsidies.

One example I can cite, is the recent debate on the Reproductive Health (RH) bill which will soon become a law. This is clearly government-sponsored and taxpayers-funded  population control but the RH camp would never admit it as population control but only "expanding choices" for couples.

Majority of the NGOs, academics, media, other CSOs especially in the health sector, have supported that bill. The main opponent to that bill was the Catholic Church. But there are other smaller camps who opposed that bill other than the religious argument, and these are the small free market groups here including MG Thinkers, the libertarian anarchists, the Ayn Rand/Objectivist group. The main basis of our opposition is that we do not believe that people are liabilities, that multiple government coercion, prohibitions and taxation, along with government failure to promulgate the rule of law, are the real liabilities in society.

On Barun's suggestion to limit the reading list. I support that. In 2005, Atlas sponsored a similar reading salon in Phuket, and we discussed only one book, Friedrich Hayek's "The Constitution of Liberty", several chapters. That reading-discussion was very helpful for me, it deepened my understanding about individual liberty and the rule of law, as opposed to the rule of men.

I wish to see LRI continuing the Reading Salon in the coming months and years. Not necessarily involving me  always as there are other bright young minds in the Philippines and Asia who should be given the opportunity to participate in this exercise. 

Friday, October 05, 2012

Lion Rock 2: Populism and Anti-Capitalism, LRI Forum, HK

(Note: the original title of this paper was "Welfarism 22: Populism and Anti-Capitalism...")

Political populism and democracy -- the will of the majority is coerced on the minority in society -- has been with humanity ever since governments or other forms of forced collectivism were invented. In modern times, such populism often takes the form of anti-capitalism, of seeing profit as bad, corporations as evil, economic freedom as unfair. So the populists are advocating more and bigger government -- more and wider regulation of almost anything, more taxation, more prohibitions. Such populists can be explicit or implicit socialists, that the state should regulate and plan almost everything and limit the power of capitalism and entrepreneurs.

It is good that the Lion Rock Institute (LRI, http://www.lionrockinstitute.org/english/index.php), the first and only free market think tank in Hong Kong, will tackle this subject in its two-days Reading Club Salon 2012 - Populism this coming November 3-4, 2012, to be held at Harbour Plaza Resort City, Hong Kong.

LRI guys are among my good friends since we formed Minimal Government here in Manila in 2004. Photos below, 1st to 3rd rows:

Andrew Work, co-founder of LRI in 2004 and its first Executive Director; Peter Wong, the current Executive Director since about three years ago;
Simon Lee, another LRI co-founder; Bill Stacey, LRI Chairman;
Andrew Shuen Pak Man, also co-founder, Raymond Ho, and Nicole Alpert; beside her is Colleen Dyble, previously with Atlas.


The LRI reading salon/roundtable discussion will answer four subjects:

A. Anti-capitalist Mentality and the Religion of All-powerful Government

The class of intellectuals and elites, who lost the power over common men and women, are disturbed by the fact that in modern capitalist economy everyone is equal in their opportunities to make a fortune. Anti-capitalist intellectuals and elites are all over in the ivory towers, parliamentary lobbies, newsrooms and TV studios. What do they believe?

B. Fanaticism and Mass Movement 

The literati, the “men-of-words”, always create dreams of better worlds. Nevertheless without “men-of-actions” to turn words into actions dreams are always dreams. Fanatical men-of-actions who are powerful to drive populist movements are curious creatures. Who are these fanatics?

C. The New Left

In the Sixties, a highly mercurial populist movement, the New Left, began to influence politics in an unconventional manner. The business community and state bureaucratic establishment failed to comprehend the phenomenon and are always busy responding to their nudging and pushing. What do these leftists want? Can we concede and then expect to continue business as usual?

D. Propaganda

Ideally, education and journalism are there to maintain an informed citizenry. Unfortunately, schooling and mass media were made bias against capitalism and used for advancing the fanatical new left causes. What can we do about it?

More photos below, 1st to 3rd rows:
Me, Peter Wong, Grover Norquist, President of the Americans for Tax Reforms (ATR, http://atr.org),  during the 4th Pacific Rim Policy Exchange in Sydney, late September 2010);
me, Peter, Grover and Jim Lakely, also in the same conference in Sydney;
with Andrew Shuen and Jo Kwong, October 2004, during the Economic Freedom Network (EFN) Asia conference, Hong Kong.


I was invited by LRI to be one of the participants in this forum. This event is a prelude to the bigger event, the EFN Asia 2012 Annual Conference, November 6-7, 2012, also in HK. This will have lots of international participants from Europe, US-Canada and Asia. See my discussion about this,  EFN Asia 11: Populism vs. Economic Freedom, the HK Conference.

There will be lots of reading materials on the four subjects mentioned above, before participants will exchange their notes and observations on November 3-4. I am thankful to LRI for extending the invite to me in this small group but intensive discussion.


Governments are expanding almost everywhere, even in supposedly free market Hong Kong. Many rich countries are bleeding fiscally because of the huge debt by their governments, which nurtured populism and heavy welfarism in their economies. Now those governments are limping with huge interest payment for their public debt, and their current revenues are insufficient to pay for huge spending for various entitlements and welfare programs. This shows that populism and heavy welfarism is wrong. People need to be reminded that there is bigger role for more personal, parental and civil society responsibility, in running their own lives. Expecting "more government responsibility" will only invite more opportunism from the political class and more economic uncertainty.
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See also:
Tax Cut 8: Comparing HK and Philippine Taxes, March 04, 2008
Free Trade 6: Unilateral Free Traders HK, Georgia, Who Else? March 30, 2008
China Watch 10: Is China Still a Communist Country? December 21, 2010

Welfarism 18: Hong Kong's Expanding Government (Lion Rock 1), March 27, 2012

Tuesday, December 21, 2010

China Watch 10: Is China Still a Communist Country?

There are two guest posts from two friends, with a discussion in between. Enjoy this long post, about 7 pages long.

(1) Guest post from FMG: Is China Still a Communist Country?  (written a year ago)

China's growth during the past thirty years is nothing short of phenomenal. Between the period of 1980 and 2001, poverty levels came down from 53% to just 8%(1). More and more Chinese can now afford to buy refrigerators, A/Cs and other appliances. Such growth and development is rightly admired the world over. And anyone trying to emulate China's economic success ought to find out its causes. This essay attempts to clearly and precisely answer the question whether communism played a positive and significant role in China's development.

How do we define communism?

There are currently many different forms of communism. And they don't necessarily agree with one another thus making it almost impossible to create a definition that would satisfy everyone. However I propose this: that communism is nothing if not anti-capitalistic. So we begin with the definition of capitalism by Miriam-Webster to define communism:

"an economic system characterized by private or corporate ownership of capital goods, by investments that are determined by private decision, and by prices, production, and the distribution of goods that are determined mainly by competition in a free market.(2)"

And how does communism seek to replace capitalism? The Communist Manifesto says:

"...the theory of the Communists may be summed up in the single sentence: Abolition of private property."

Or more specifically, the private ownership of capital goods. Capital goods being defined as goods used to produce other goods or commodities. Examples are land used to grow food, machines used to manufacture cars, buildings to house factories, etc. For the sake of argument, set aside the practical difficulty enforcing such a rule when the same good (e.g. land) can be used both as a capital good (to grow food) and consumer good (to build a house to live in). Also set aside the inconsistent communist position that tradesmen can privately own tools (e.g. hammers) even if such goods are arguably capital goods since you don't buy tools for it's own sake but to build something with it(3).

What is ownership of property?

Macliing Dulag, a tribal leader, once quipped:“Paano mo aangkinin ang isang bagay na hihigtan pa ang buhay mo?” or "How can you own that which will outlive you?" Catchy but irrelevant and besides the point. Economic development doesn't really give a damn about who legally "owns" or under whose name a piece of property is. What is important is property rights.

To illustrate, suppose I gave you a car and register it under your name. However, I do not give you the right to drive, touch, or use the car in anyway. While I retain the rights to do so from driving it to using it for my business and thus enjoying the fruits of using the property (a form of usufruct). All your "ownership" gives you is a piece of paper that says you own it. Does your ownership mean anything? If it does, it still means nothing to economic development. For it would not determine whether the car will be put to more productive, and hence efficient, use or not. What does determine how the car will be used is whether I, who posses the rights to use it, find it profitable or costly to use it one way over another and whether the opportunities open to me is of benefit to anyone else. In short, what are the incentives and disincentives my property rights give me?

Private vs. Public ownership of property rights

Private ownership of property rights mean that one can exclude others from using said property (e.g. the toilet in your house). Public ownership means one cannot exclude others (e.g public toilets). Which do you think is cleaner? --->needs work

Communism Defined

We have now defined what we mean by ownership of property, namely the allocation of property rights. Capitalism seeks to allocate property rights to private individuals or groups of private individuals. Communism seeks to abolish private property of capital goods and give property rights to the whole of society. In practical reality it is given to the state(4). And so we define communism as an economic system that allocates property rights of capital goods to the public (or its representative the state). Thus the more a society communally(5) or publicly shares property rights the more it is communist in nature. And the more property rights are given to private individuals, to the exclusion of others, the more capitalistic it is.

(1) http://econ.worldbank.org/WBSITE/EXTERNAL/EXTDEC/EXTRESEARCH/0,,contentMDK:20634060~pagePK:64165401~piPK:64165026~theSitePK:469382,00.html

(2) It is interesting to note there is nothing explicit in Capitalism's definition about establishing a new world hegemony or to support any sort of "imperialist" motives of any particular nation. In fact, it is open to collective ownership of goods (corporate ownership) for as long as such individuals agree to share ownership voluntarily. Communism's fundamental criticism of capitalism is that it would collapse under its own contradictions inevitably ushering an era of socialism then communism. History, however, shows communism collapsing instead.

(3) This is due largely to Communism's loose use of language and terms.

(4) Whether or not communists actually intend to use the state to look after their interests or that people should be more directly involved and bypass the state is besides the point. What is important whether the means they wish to employ are themselves practical and/or lead to their intended outcomes. One cannot escape responsibility of one's acts with mere noble intentions.

(5) Hence "Commune"-ism
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I posted FMG's article on the subject in our Asian Liberty Forum yahoogroups, a friend from Hong Kong, Simon Lee, made this comment below. Posting this with his permission, of course.
Hold on. State machinery in China still command a very substantial portion of the economy. So, what do you call that?

Don't fool ourselves. People's Republic of China is a Nationalist Socialist State - by definition, it is a fascism. If you look at history, fascists have track record defeating communists - by replacing them in the command of economy and everything else.

I suggest you guys to read The True Believer by Eric Hoffer. It was written in early 50s, even before the Cultural Revolution by Mao. But this piece of prophetic literary gem was so precise in describing (1) how fanaticism eventually unfolded into total chaos; and more importantly, (2) how the radicals settle down and institutionalize their powers etc.

Again, don't fool ourselves. PRC is no where close to capitalism as we understand it.

I think there are certain properties of the capitalist system that are present in China now:

1. Respect of private property rights, both personal property and "means of production" like machineries, factories, trucks, computers, etc.

2. Profit motive is alive and respected.

3. Price system by private sellers and buyers generally works. Meaning there is little price control by the State. I don't know what sectors there have price control in China -- transpo fares? minimum wage? house rental? medicines?

It's the state ownership of all lands, political party monopoly of the China Communist Party, and government harrassment of political dissenters, that makes it a communist in the classic definition of the concept.

So it's a mixture of business capitalism and political communism. A hybrid, which creates its own internal contradiction. Capitalism thrives on individual freedom while communism or socialism thrives on repression of individual freedom.

FMG made additional comments:

When Deng Xiaopeng allowed farmers to own a part of their harvest to do what they see fit (eat it or sell it), then it was movement away from communism or public control of property and to capitalism. That is, some property rights were taken away from public hand and given to private hands.

There are still other examples of public property rights being given to private hands, whether or not it tipped the balance in favor of capitalism is highly subjective. For example, we can argue that China's State industries still own a large chunk of the economy but does this really offset the relative freedom businessmen have in other parts of the economy? So far all of the Filipino Chinese businessmen I've talked to say doing business in China is freer than the Philippines. There is less mention of socialist or collectivist considerations.

I was going to say how we can say if the Philippines is more communist than China and that Communism rewarded selfishness and punished virtue more than capitalism.

For Simon Lee's comment: "Again, don't fool ourselves. PRC is no where close to capitalism as we understand it."

It really is subjective. There is no objective way of measuring whether one or two laws has X points of communism or capitalism.

Yes, it is impossible for China to grow its economy rapidly that it surpassed Japan's GDP size this year, if it did not liberalize many sectors of the economy to capitalism, the profit motive and the free pricing system.

We should consider, however, that many of China's biggest corporations are not private but state-owned and controlled, and possibly monopolies in particular sectors or sub-sectors. It is the small and medium enterprises (SMEs), and a few big private corporations, that are most dynamic and are really capitalistic -- privately-owned and are subject to fierce competition from other private players and businessmen.

The contradiction between a largely capitalist business sector and a communist political/state sector will remain for the next couple of years. The Communist Party of China, the state monopoly political power, is not giving any indication that it will democratize the party system to allow competing political parties.
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(2) Guest Post by Simon Lee, a friend from the Lion Rock Institute, Hong Kong.

Let me point you guys to this brilliant work, Capitalism with Chinese Characteristics: Entrepreneurship and the State, by Prof Yasheng Huang.

Basically what Prof Huang argue can be summed up in a few points:

1. It is true that the early reform in the 1980s was mostly about opening up the economy and allow bottom up innovation.

2. But from 1990s onwards, it is more about managing an economy via the state-owned sector. It might have change somewhat the financing of these zombies but they are still under the state directives, to a certain extent.

3. China wasn't where real private enterprises flourished. It was HK where these enterprises, say Lenovo, domicile and obtained funding. Legally speakings, these Chinese companies are HK companies.

4. Reform in the State-owned enterprises in China stalled in the 90s.

The comment by FMG: "It really is subjective. There is no objective way of measuring whether one or two laws has X points of communism or capitalism." is absolutely misguided.

What I am saying is: PLEASE DO NOT USE CHINA AS A MODEL FOR CAPITALISM. IT IS NOT. THERE ARE BETTER EXAMPLE ELSEWHERE.

I am not saying there is a spectrum of capitalism. Indeed I abhor such relativistic perspective.

Capitalism is an ideal. It is a form. Even Hong Kong does not conform to the ideal. Using China as an example exhibits one's ignorance on the ideal as well as the reality.

Nowadays, the catch phrase in China is: the State advances, Civil Society on the retreat. 國進民退 For someone who has been following the reform in China, I would not say China is the model for reformers. Gradualism has its own deficiency. It allows special interests groups to take root, hence became a resistance to further reform.

Also, I personally urge everybody to take Deng's role in the reform with a bit more skepticism. It was the Hu Yaobang, later disposed by the Communist Party for pushing forward the reform too hard. Deng certainly provided political support to Hu during the early phase of the reform. But as it was unfolded in 1989, Deng obviously cared more about having the Chinese Communist Party remain in control of its absolute powers, rather then reforming the economy and nation.

More on Hu Yaobang here,

If you are interested about the history and Deng's attitude, I suggest this highly:

Prisoner of the State: The Secret Journal of Premier Zhao Ziyang (secretly written by Zhao himself).

So much about China. Again, if there is only one message you can pick up today, this is it: "Even if you are desperate to reform, China is not the role model."

Indeed, there is no short cut to freedom and prosperity.

I'd rather look at the history of the last 300 years, i.e. (1) strong establishment of property rights before the industrial revolution, (2) free movement of goods, labor and capital in the 19th century, and (3) the first constitutionally established republic, i.e. the United States of America, for inspiration.

By calling China the model of economic reform, we will all look like clowns if one day, it retreats and rolls back the progress made since 1979.

Thirty years is comparative insignificant if you look at what really matters. At the end of the day, no communist regime survived for more than 80 years.

A country moving away from being a nominally communistic regime doesn't necessarily make it capitalistic. Putting capitalism vs communism is binary.

Also, I doubt if Milton Friedman say economic freedom is "better" than political freedom. His conjecture was that once a nation becomes economically free to a certain extend its people would demand the later.

The problem is whether the later will be granted in a peaceful manner. Don't forget who has gotten the nobel peace prize this year and where he is now.

Even when we look deeper into the detail the way Chinese economy is running, you will be surprised to realize the extralegal part of it as well as the dissipation of value due to rent seeking. It is simply heart breaking.

If we all do agree corruption is a symptom of an unfree economy, the Philippines and China share the same ailment.
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A little bit more from our personal experience in Hong Kong.

The government in HK has this motto: big market, small government. In principle, it implies we always allow the market forces to play it's role first then if everything else fails, the government steps in.

The problem is: how do we know when the market fail permanently? My answer is never.

Here is the lesson: whenever there is a justification for more government, someone is going to use it as an excuse. There is almost no exception.

Therefore, we can only choose if we are true to our belief: necessary evil is still an evil.

While the man on the street care about economic growth, jobs and income, i.e. The Big Market. They do not really care if it comes at a cost of bigger government. So, to them, it is possible to have Big Market and Big Government. I do not need to elaborate anymore here: that is exactly the promise of Fascism.

So, whenever we were asked for our stance on the motto, this is my standard answer:

"We don't know if the big market is an inevitable outcome, small government is always right."

The perspective that China has done economic miracle in the past thirty years so it is the role model is simply flawed. Don't forget Japan, which was the miracle in 1980s. MITI screwed up and the financial institution were tied up by cronies financing, hence entire decade lost. We do not know yet if some far more disastrous is going to happen in China along the same line.

At the end of the day, there is no guarantee anything in the market will work, including the market itself. The surest we know is when government play market, it will fail. That is why I say China isn't even close to anything we know as Capitalism.

Those owho are yet to be convinced, please consider this: will you call it a capitalist economy when you do not really have a choice on how and where to save you hard earned money? The capital control in China was instituted so its citizens cannot send money overseas. By keeping this money domestically, saved in State owned banks, which in turn lend the money back to cronies. On the other hand, the government keeps printing money to finance its deficit budget thus ripping off ordinary people's saving. This is the vicious cycle that keeps China from inflating one bubble after another. Do you call this Capitalism with a big C?
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